Madagascar’s cultural and political history is intertwined with stories of migration, divides and their methods of fostering national unity . Geographically located off Southeast Africa in the Indian Ocean, the Malagasy ethno-historical roots are very distinct, often resulting in a disputed feeling of belonging which has always had impacts on their involvement with contemporary and historic African issues.

DELVING INTO THE HISTORICAL IDENTITY OF MALAGASY PEOPLE 

One of the main ways to understand where Madagascar stands in relation to the pan-africanist movement is by looking at the identity of Malagasy people. Pan-Africanism  has the central  focus of the unity of African people. That is why it is important to question first and foremost how the Malagasy identity is composed, in order to evaluate their involvement in the movement itself. 

Geographically,  Madagascar’s location just off the coast of Africa would make it  appropriate to assume that they do, in part, feel African. This proximity often led to cultural and political influences. However, the Malagasy people have adapted their own common identity away from these geographical factors and gradually have assembled a distinct social identity.

The historical perspective of the Malagasy identity is far more complex. It is a history that is intricately linked to migration and maritime navigation within the Indian Ocean. Alfred Grandidier was the first to bring forward a hypothesis on the genealogical origin of Malagasy people and he declared that the inhabitants of the island were Austronesians who had been forced to leave their territories in Indonesia-Pacific due to climate reasons. Gabriel Ferrand then proposed a second theory that the Malagasy people are made up of Bantu tribes from East Africa¹. Although these seem to be the main hypotheses, brought to the forefront by intellectuals, there are also many other connections to other cultures that have migrated to Madagascar including Arab and Indian¹. Inhabitants from many different traditions, religions and origins migrated to Madagascar and thus formed many different ethnic identities. 

Later on, during the 15th century, Madagascar started building and assembling different kingdoms based on their different ethnic identities. The apparition of these kingdoms was conceptually inspired  by Arab influence which reached Madagascar  due to the growth of trade routes in the Indian Ocean¹. Thus came to be the Merina kingdom which very quickly became an imperial power. Analysing the way that this particular kingdom carried out relations with European imperial powers during the 18th century is meaningful to the investigation on the relations that Madagascar currently has with such countries. They held particularly strong relations at the time  and became one of the strongest suppliers of slaves in the Indian Ocean, receiving significant military equipment in return. Furthermore, the first self-proclaimed King of Madagascar, Radama I, introduced educational systems in the European style. 

In analysing this key part of Malagasy history and relating it to modern relations that Madagascar upholds with France, I noticed that although they are considered to be on the same continent as other now Francophone African countries, the power relations with the two imperial powers seemed more of a truly mutually beneficial trading relationship. Although colonial legacy is still filled with exploitation and pillaging, the imperial legacy and history of Madagascar shows a powerful kingdom that willingly traded with and introduced key European characteristics such as education, christianity and the latin alphabet into their own nation. 

In 1895, France put an end to the reign of the then current queen of Madagascar by entering and controlling the country. French colonialism had some beneficial aspects such as abolishing slavery, bettering the national system of transportation, improving both education and health as well as introducing trade unions in order to defend workers rights. However, similar to many other countries, these benefits can be argued as purely accidental; set up in order for the French to govern the country more successfully. The true downsides of French colonialism included forcefully making people learn French, torturing and executing Malagasy populations and  setting up an extractive trading system which benefitted the French  disproportionately to Madagascar. When it came to independence , the Malagasy government chose the peaceful route, working with the French administration in order to facilitate their transformation into nationhood ¹. Thus the French were able to appoint Philibert Tsiranana, as the head of the Social Democratic Party, who  went on to win the parliamentary elections in 1959. Philibert Tsiranana was able to build a strong united Malagasy identity and homogenization by bringing people from all ethnic groups into the administration ¹. Thus Malagasy identity, still very divergent throughout the country to this day, was brought into a single unit of governance. 

From a cultural point of view, although many ethnic groups are still divided, they share very similar animist beliefs which make up significant portions of the religious culture. These similar beliefs such as faith in Zanahary as the Creator and the razana, a term used to describe the belief in revered ancestors, has brought people together into somewhat of a strong unitary identity even leading to Malagasy nationalism. Similarly, they practice life-cycle rituals which are ingrained in Malagasy culture. These deities and traditions highlight the particularity of Malagasy people and their unity  under similar beliefs, creating their independent identity¹ . 

Overall, when discussing Malagasy identity, and its  essentiality for understanding their part in contemporary pan-africanism, it is undeniable to say it is a particular one that cannot be compared. Their ethno-historical roots are based on a mix of migration which assembled under the same government as time went on, their colonial legacy demonstrates a French identity linguistically  ,while their cultural identity is rooted in beliefs surrounding similar deities, their national practices and traditions. 

THE FEELING OF BEING “AFRICAN” OR MALAGASY – A DISPUTED TOPIC

Now that we have established the way that Malagasy identity is constituted and the ways that it has evolved over time, we must  explore the question of whether or not Malagasy people feel attached to an “African” identity. This identitary link is very often disputed within Madagascar with some refuting it and others claiming it. The most surface level approach, as previously mentioned, would be the geographical aspect. Many are quick to reduce the larger African identity to a simple measure of distance. However, the Malagasy identity and how they relate to African identity requires a transdisciplinary approach in order to fully grasp its essence. 

All constructions of identities are combined by spatio-temporal units that bring together specific constraints or enriching events that bind together populations through communal historic experiences. Thus it is important to highlight once again the idea of colonialism as an event that brought populations that suffered together on common grounds. This bitter experience of a continent being dismembered, torn apart and pillaged has left behind a trace of collective memory and shared historical consciousness. To this day, these countries share the same problems of dysfunction that colonial legacy has left behind and which has generated many more crises². The history of Madagascar has been continuously woven and fostered through cultural exchanges and interactions between the “continent” and Madagascar. These shared experiences and similar paths have served as a common reference and created a shared identity linked to suffering. 

Political alliances and relations are also very significant in the way that populations can feel a sense of belonging to a wider movement. In May 1963, following independence movements all across Africa, 32 countries came together in order to create the Organisation of African Union (OAU). Madagascar being part of these 32 states made a point of “promoting unity and solidarity of African states”, “defending the independence and territorial integrity of State members” and to create lines of conduct for economic, cultural and military affiliations within Africa². Their strong stance on these matters and the debates they led concerning Africa’s future as a whole showed their solidarity regarding the “African cause”. This was a strong pan-African movement that reinforced unity as well as other strong sentiments of belonging. 

Furthermore, Madagascar has always been very involved in economic alliances within Africa. They participated and encouraged the creation of free-trade areas such as the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa. Their involvement in this cooperation was extremely significant and led to the inauguration of the New Partnership for African Development (NEPAD). To this day, the sentiment of belonging that Madagascar has in regard to the continent as whole is shown through their participation in the African Union (AU)². 

However, other international collaborations and partnerships between Africa and Madagascar have also had the opposite impact. In 1961, before the creation of OAU, the African and Malagsy Union (AMU) was created. It was composed of many of the Francophone states that had also recently gained their independence. It was then transformed into the Communal African and Malagasy Organization (CAMO) in 1965². The intention was to foster economic, cultural and social relations for the members . The ways in which these specific organizations failed to create a communal identity and instead created a sense of alienation for Malagasy people was the constant use of “African and Malagasy”. This continuous distinction created a mental barrier between the populations of the “continent” and of the “Great Island”.

Furthermore that mental barrier is exacerbated by psychological distance linked to the notion of ancestry and kinship. This is due to the genealogical links that Malagasy people have with Austronesian origins primarily and as a result show physical differences. These can be seen in skin tone, hair texture and traits that are often attributed to citizens of Asian descent. These visual differences feed into the sentiment of alienation and differencing themselves from the “Continent” as a separate identity. When Malagasy people travel to places other than in Africa, they are considered African however when they travel within the continent they are very quickly defined as a separate population². 

CONTEMPORARY INVOLVEMENT OF MADAGASCAR IN PAN-AFRICAN MOVEMENTS 

As of recent, the pan-Africanist movement in Madagascar has seen significant progress however that has been countered by many drawbacks. One of the ways that Malagasy populations have aligned with the pan-African movement is through the uprisings led by the youth regarding the ever so present French influence in the country. This is a movement reflected by many other francophone countries such as Mali, Niger and Burkina Faso however also in non-francophone countries where the youth has started leading more and more manifestations and taking political and social matters into their own hands such as in Namibia³. In Madagascar youth groups have taken an anti-neocolonial stance and protestors demand genuine sovereignty as they argue that neocolonial development models imposed by France and international financial institutions are not aligned with the functioning of their country³. They reject forms of external powers seeking to exploit their resources. This is extremely significant when looking at Madagascar’s historical relations with France which have always been kept diplomatic and quite close at times. This movement as a whole can be characterised as the evolution of African resistance through the digital age and symbols shared on various platforms allow for the generation to communicate across borders, allowing for the pan-African solidarity to transcend continental boundaries and become stronger. 

However, an obstacle to Madagascar’s growing pan-African spirit is due to their recent coup in October of 2025. Although it does demonstrate a will for change and following other countries’ paths with the multiple coups that have happened across the continent, it has resulted in a suspension from the African Union⁴. This interruption in their participation to such a significant platform for pan-Africanism which is intrinsically linked to the participation of African states with each other can arguably cause a dent in their strive for unity. Although the future of the country is hard to determine in terms of the upcoming government or the future strains in its relations with the West, it is a case study that seems to follow the pattern of many countries previously on the African continent. This pattern of francophone countries having uprisings due to the continuous presence of France and leading to a coup has been seen in multiple regions from 2023 to 2025. Gabon, Chad, Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger have all shown their advocacy for change especially in the form of youth protests. It is undeniable that the pan-African sentiment is more significant than ever.